JERUSALEM, July 27 (Xinhua) -- The Israeli Knesset, the parliament, entered a three-month summer recess on Sunday, halting legislative activity and most of the committee work during this period.

As Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was grappling with corruption charges and an increasingly fractured governing coalition, the recess of the Knesset seems to have provided him with a much-needed breather.

A week ago, the Prime Minister's Office announced that Netanyahu was on the mend after a bout of food poisoning, saying he would be resting at home for the next three days while still handling his duties.

The message immediately fueled speculation that he was delaying his court appearances, since he was set to face two hearings in his corruption trial on July 21 and 22.

Both hearings were postponed as a result, and are not expected to get underway until the judiciary wraps up their summer recess.

Marking a first in Israeli history, Netanyahu is the only sitting prime minister to stand trial while in office. He was formally indicted in 2020 on charges of bribery, fraud, and breach of trust.

Prosecutors allege that between 2007 and 2016, he and his family received gifts worth approximately 280,000 U.S. dollars -- including champagne, cigars, and jewelry -- in exchange for political favors. If convicted, he could face a potential prison sentence of up to 10 years.

According to Israeli media, Netanyahu has repeatedly postponed court proceedings by citing war-related duties, overseas visits, or health issues. This pattern of "strategic delay" has stirred intense debate over whether the prime minister is intentionally undermining judicial due process.

"This is not the first time Netanyahu has played for time," Roee Kibrik, head of research of Mitvim, the Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies, told Xinhua. "By aligning his legal schedule with the Knesset's long recess, he is clearly using the political calendar to gain leverage and buy time."

Beyond the swirling accusations of corruption, Netanyahu also finds himself grappling with growing fissures threatening to fracture his governing coalition.

The latest political storm came in mid-July, when two ultra-Orthodox parties -- United Torah Judaism (UTJ) and Shas -- announced their withdrawal from the governing coalition. Together, the two parties hold 18 Knesset seats. Netanyahu's coalition initially commanded 68 seats in the 120-member parliament. If the two parties complete their departure, the government would lose its majority and face a real risk of collapse.

At the center of the rift is the military draft exemption policy for ultra-Orthodox Jewish students. In June last year, Israel's Supreme Court ruled that the longstanding exemption was unconstitutional and demanded that the government enact new legislation to restore its legal basis. Yet no such law has been passed, fueling anger among ultra-Orthodox leaders.

According to Kibrik, the withdrawal threat from both parties appears to be more tactical than decisive. By announcing their exit without calling for new elections, they seem to be seeking greater leverage in policy negotiations while keeping their options open, said the analyst.

Li Zixin, an assistant research fellow at the China Institute of International Studies, told Xinhua that Netanyahu's overriding concern is to remain in power, not only to shape policy but also to retain the legal immunity granted to a sitting prime minister.

"The corruption trial creates a powerful incentive for Netanyahu to cling to office," he said. "That's why he's constantly conceding to far-right coalition partners in exchange for their loyalty."

However, this approach has consequences. "Such political bargaining may help Netanyahu survive in the short term," Li added, "but it's eroding the government's cohesion and narrowing its policymaking space."

On the potential withdrawal of UTJ and Shas, Li emphasized that both parties have avoided aligning with the opposition. "It's a form of calculated disengagement," he said. "In Israel's highly fragmented political landscape, a coalition can fracture without falling apart."

Even so, recent polls suggest Netanyahu's far-right bloc would likely lose its majority if elections were held today.

The country's next election is scheduled for October 2026, yet insiders warn that mounting tensions could bring it forward. Under pressure from legal entanglements, a discordant coalition, and a war-weary populace, Netanyahu's possible tactic to maintain power by prolonging the country's wartime dynamics is losing its edge.

"If the coalition collapses," Kibrik opined, "Israel would enter a caretaker government and must hold elections within 90 days. Much of what the government is doing now is not long-term policy -- it's just buying time, crisis by crisis."